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Talking "Peace";
Preparing
for War
Moshe Sharon
Policy Paper No. 13, From the book:
Israel at the Crossroads,
Arieh Stav
(ed.),
ACPR Publishers, 1997,
196 pages
(Presented to the J.E.C. on Capitol Hill,
October 21, 1997)
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Summary
There has been no change in the language or contents of the
material published in the
Arab countries about Israel or the Jews in the wake of the political process
hailed by the
Israeli and Western media as a "peace process". The newspapers and journals
are as
full as ever of venomous articles against Israel, usually accompanied by
anti-Semitic
cartoons. There is a spirit of hatred for Israel and the Jews which
manifests itself in
various ways in the Arab world. The "peace" agreements, including the 15
year old
agreement with Egypt, have not changed anything in the attitude of the
writers, the
intellectuals, the educators and the journalists. There has not been even
the slightest
attempt to get the Arab public used to what is seen in the West as a "new
era" and a
hopeful chance for the Middle East. The Arab governments have done nothing
to
introduce the subject of peace into the schools, and to educate the new
generation not
to hate the Jews, and create a real foundation for understanding between
Arab and Jew.
The peace agreement between Israel and Egypt stipulated the cessation of all
anti-Israeli
propaganda in the media. This has never been implemented. Rather attacks in
the media
have intensified. The Arab teachers, university lecturers, writers, and
other intellectuals
responsible for educating the children and young people are the most
outspoken in the
rejection of the normalization of relations with Israel, and the most active
opposition to
any act that could resemble the recognition of the Jewish state.
In the Western world the intellectuals are the leaders of the liberal
movement. On the
whole, this is also the attitude of the intellectual community in Israel; it
is liberal and
guided by universal humanistic ideals. Since the fall of the ghetto walls in
the 19th
century, Jews were at the forefront of the liberal movements in Europe and
America.
When the State of Israel was established these same humanistic and liberal
ideas
governed its political, cultural and social life. Against the permanent call
for war and
constant expressions of hatred which came from the Arabs, in spite of three
major wars
aimed at the destruction of Israel and its Jewish inhabitants, in spite of
thousands of
acts of terror, Israel spoke of peace. Israeli and Jewish intellectuals
placed themselves in
the forefront of the camp that advocated the Palestinian cause, and
represented the
Palestinians, sometimes more efficiently than the Palestinians themselves.
Peace has always been the expressed policy of the government of Israel also
translated
into a program of education. In Israeli schools peace is a subject taught
as part of the
ordinary curriculum. With a long history of yearning for peace, today, there
is one
straight line of thinkers, educators, artists, writers virtually begging the
Arabs for Peace.
The Arab side responded favorably only when the Jewish side blamed itself,
but were
never ready to acknowledge any truth or right in the Jewish side. Moreover,
when the
time came for the Arab intellectuals to respond to the friendship extended
to them all the
years by their Israeli counterpart, they publicly disowned them. In many
cases Jewish
self-hatred has brought Jews, in Israel and in the Diaspora, to side with
the Arabs, quick
to condemn their own people, their government and the Israel Defense Forces.
In the last two decades, Jewish "modern historians" dedicated their
historical research to
prove that Israel was always the vicious party in the conflict with the
Arabs: they even
present the small Jewish community of some 600,000 souls as stronger and
better
equipped than the seven Arab armies that broke into the newly established
State of
Israel with the aim of annihilating it. In their dictionary of defaming
analogies the
self-hating Jews go so far as to desecrate the memory of the Holocaust. The
Bible, a
Hebrew University professor claimed, was more dangerous to the human race
than the
notorious Mein Kampf by Adolph Hitler. Such and similar evil analogies are
readily used
by the Arabs, who add them to their arsenal of hatred, and strengthen their
arguments
against the physical existence of the Jews. There were always Jews who were
eager to
introduce the foreign cults, religions and cultures into the midst of Israel
and eradicate its
moral fabric. Their real goal was to see Israel melt away into "The New
Middle East", if
one may use a modern hallucinatory term coined by the former Israeli foreign
minister,
namely, the disappearance of Israel as an independent religious and national
entity.
They disguised this goal with all the flowery terminology taken from the
vocabulary of
what amounts today to "universalism" and "internationalism," or similar
terms taken from
the vocabulary of assimilation at the time.
Moreover, the Arabs have never relinquished the belief that the whole truth
is on their
side. The Jews have been deprived by the modern writers and modern Arab
historians
even of their history. For the last few decades, the Arab historians have
been telling the
world that the Canaanites whose land ancient Israel conquered, were no less
than
Palestinian Arabs, and this means therefore that the Arabs were the original
inhabitants
of Palestine before Israel. The fact that the name Palestine was given by
the Greeks and
then the Romans, the fact that the Canaanites spoke a language akin to
Hebrew and
thus could not have been "Arabs", such is ignored. Yasser Arafat has
declared that
Christ was no less than a Palestinian freedom fighter, which makes of course
all the
inhabitants of Judea in his time not Jews but Palestinians. However, this is
far from being
a joke, because behind these supposedly serious "scholarly" theories lies
the basic aim
of the Arabs to negate any connection between the Jews and their ancient
homeland.
This is also the basis of the Palestinian Covenant, which should have long
ago been
amended or abandoned by the Palestinians according to the Oslo agreements.
The
Palestinian Covenant is a document in which almost every one of its clauses
calls for the
annihilation of Israel. In almost every public speech Yasser Arafat calls
for the
continuation of the Jihad against Israel, in spite of the fact that the
Palestinians are
supposed to be in peace with Israel since September 1994. There can hardly
be a
question that the Arab side views any agreement with Israel, as a strategic
maneuver in
the long war against the Jewish political entity, whereas the Israeli Left
regards such
agreements as the path to everlasting paradise.
The Israeli Peace Movements have no counterparts in the Arab world. There is
no Arab
Peace Now movement, not an echo has been heard to the chorus of peace of the
Israeli
Left. One may ask oneself where are the present negotiations leading to if
future
generations are being educated on the same programs of hating the Jews as
before.
Where is the popular basis so much needed to give reconciliation its flesh
and blood
contents? The peace with Egypt is nothing more than a prolonged armistice
with
ambassadors. Egypt is keeping this armistice with Israel out of convenience.
It goes in accordance with an overall Arab policy which is now being
implemented with
the help of the Israeli government. This policy, already promulgated 20
years ago aims at
diminishing Israel to its "natural size" to borders that would be totally
indefensible. With
Syria on the Golan Heights commanding half of Israel, and the Palestinians
on the
mountains of Samaria, and with the Israeli public, bellies full, dormant and
intoxicated
with the joy of new cars and travels abroad, a surprise attack on the Jewish
state might
give her no chance. There is only one thing, the Arabs believe, that has
still to be taken
care of: the nuclear weaponry, which Israel is supposed to have. This is the
only thing
that has to be eliminated, and then the doing away with the Jews, Saddam’s
style would
be child’s play.
This is why the military fervor in the Arab public has to be maintained.
The hatred to the
Jews, should not be diminished on all levels. The "peace" should not go
beyond the level
of what Islam permits, hudna, an armistice for a limited period:
postponement of Jihad
until the conditions to renew the war are optimal. Hence the Syrians are
presenting Israel
with a dictate and not with terms of peace. Syria wants to improve positions
in the same
way that Egypt has done, and the Palestinians and the Jordanians are busy
doing.
The present writer has no doubt that Mubarak and Assad are preparing the next
war; there
is constant cooperation and coordination of activities between these two.
They both think
strategically alike. They both plan to revive the Eastern front against
Israel once Syria is
safely entrenched in the Golan and Lebanon plus a huge arsenal of deadly
chemical
weapons.
The Syrians have no interest in peace. Assad had no sudden revelation. He
dreads the
idea of even one Israeli sitting in a Coffee shop in Damascus. He has need
of the West
but no cards to play. But if Syria only wins from signing an agreement with
Israel, what
is there for Israel? The Israeli government is offering to gamble on the
future of the state,
in return for no more than a useless peace of paper. Israel is creating a
precedent the
likes of which should never be allowed in international relations. Israel is
offering Syria a
prize for its aggression. And this is a very dangerous precedent. Because it
means that
the Arabs are free to attack Israel violating international agreements.
In the negotiations, if one may indeed call the steady withdrawal of Israel
from every
position which had been the guarantee for its existence, negotiations, the
mistake has
been that the major problems have not been put on the table from the very
beginning: the
1948 "refugees" the borders and the future of Jerusalem. If these problems
were
presented from the very beginning it would have been clear whether there is
anything to
talk about or not. By postponing the major problems for a later stage while
withdrawing
from most of the strategic and political positions, Israel will always be in
an inferior
position. Extra demands will be made and the Foreign Minister may again
shout: "What,
for a few square kilometers we are going to endanger peace?"
When at the end when every thing had been given away, the Arabs would come
with the
demand to return to Israel proper the refugees of part of them, they will
demand to return
to the 1947 partition plan; the Arabs citizens of Israel will demand
national self
determination. The Arabs have never accepted the outcome of the war in 1948.
Then all
seven Arab states, in defiance to all UN resolutions and the UN Charter
(art. 2(4))
attacked the just established State of Israel with one aim of destroying it.
Strangely
enough, the UN did nothing to stop this blatant aggression against an
independent state
(art. 39 and 40 of the Charter), and infant Israel was left alone in the
field to fight a much
superior military force.
In 1967, The Golan Heights was the place in which the Syrian army began its
attack on
Israel as part of the all Arab plan for the "final solution" of Israel. The
propaganda which
accompanied this attack, still sends shudders through the bones of those who
lived this
experience. Throughout the streets of Damascus, Cairo and Amman the frenzied
mob
marched chanting: "idhbah, idhbah, idhbah, idhbah al-yahud" - slaughter,
slaughter,
slaughter the Jews! And the Syrian media was busy showing the fate awaiting
Jews
once the victorious Syrian army conquered Israel. To demonstrate the bravery
of its
soldiers (including women), the Syrian television also showed how they eat
snakes alive
and how they slaughter pet animals and drink their blood. Syria was the most
cruel in
treatment of POWs. A Syrian soldier who killed Israeli Prisoners of war with
an ax was
decorated as a war hero; and some of the Israeli POW who survived the
hideous tortures
of the Syrians came back home broken forever.
Syria became the shelter of the most notorious of all the Arab terrorist
organizations,
that cooperated with terrorists from all over the world. It encouraged and
activated
endless attacks of terror against Israeli citizens, from Lebanon, from its
own territory and
abroad, not choosing means places or targets.
In 1973 its army, again in concert with Egypt, opened a surprised attack on
Israel via the
Golan Heights. Again, the Syrian state controlled media of Hafez al- Assad
promised to
implement the "final solution". Once more Israel won. But the Arabs know
that the
outcomes may be changed. The Arabs learnt, with the help of many Israeli
advisers, to
use the love for peace in Israel, and the intoxicating influence which this
word has on the
Israeli public in order to create internal pressure on the Israeli
government to gamble on
Israel’s existence by agreeing to such terms which the Arabs dictate as a
"price" for
peace. The media are available to them.
The word frequently used in the Arab press in connection with the present
"peace
process", is "withdrawal" not "peace". And territories from which Israel has
withdrawn its
forces under the agreement with the Palestinians have become not peaceful
territories to
which Israelis can enter safely, but traps of death. Any Israeli or a Jew
who ventures to
enter into the Gaza district, with which Israel is supposed to be in full
peace, signs his
own death warrant. In fact, any Jew who enters any Arab town, neighborhood
or village
can count himself a dead man. This is the situation after the Oslo Accords
and the Cairo
agreement in which the Palestinians undertook to refrain from all acts of
violence. More
Israelis were killed and maimed since the Oslo Agreements were signed than
during the
8 years of the "intifada".
In the Middle East region war is readily utilized to achieve the whims of
one or the other
dictator. In this area Israel stands out like a sore thumb, insulting by its
existence the
pride of the Arabs and Islam, and representing a strange and unwanted
culture. It
happens also to be a Jewish state, which adds to the insult of Islam.
And What About the Solutions?
Two points must be taken into consideration in the discussion of any
possible solution to
Arab Israeli conflict. The first is that peace between Israel and the Arabs,
in the usual
meaning of the word in the West, with normal and friendly relations on all
levels is, as far
as the eye can see, an impossible goal. The most plausible peace Israel can
hope for is
a condition that existed between the United States and the Soviet Union. It
was peace
based on balance of power, where each side guarded very well its own
strategic
properties, while maintaining normal diplomatic relations, and providing for
as good
means as possible to avoid unwarranted war.
This level of relations is probably too much to expect from Syria, for
instance, if Israel is
to keep the minimum strategic positions in the Golan Heights, which since
1974 have
exactly been the major deterrent to war between Syria and Israel. A more
formal
armistice agreement which would not change the position on the ground but
would give
Syria a better standing with the Americans and the Western community and
some
economic and technical aid, which it badly needs, is probably the best bet
for many
years to come. Any other solution which involves the Syrian army positioned
on the
Golan Heights and in South Lebanon, is a sure recipe for war.
The second point is that there are no quick remedies, nor instate solutions
to the Arab
Israeli conflict. A conflict of this kind, with such a depth of hatred,
needs scores of years
of contact and negotiations, and tremendous amount of goodwill if it is to
be ever solved.
This is why the Madrid formula was hundred times better than the Oslo
agreements.
Both sides were coerced into Madrid, and the process of negotiations promise
to be long
and tiring. But the PLO was out of the game, Israel negotiated directly with
the
Palestinians living directly under its jurisdiction, and the Syrians came to
the table with
very weak cards.
It is very possible that Madrid would have given the Palestinians one form
of autonomy or
the other, and a non-belligerency agreement with the Syrians (formalizing
the existing
situation). This arrangement, as far as Israel is concerned, is probably
better than formal
peace. It is not Israel that wishes to destroy the Arabs but the other way
round. The
Arabs can make many mistakes and they would always be safe. Israel is not
allowed
even one. Her first mistake would be her last.
Such solutions enable Israel to retain its few remaining strategically vital
positions, and
prevent her from finding herself, otherwise, in a vulnerable situation -
small and easily
accessible, a tempting prey to any Middle Eastern despot with an arsenal of
missile and
Chemical weapons, who would wish to be a new Saladin.