Ariel Center for
Policy Research

A JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND THE ARTS

 

NATIV  Volume Seventeen   Number 1 (96)  ■  January 2004 ■ Shvat 5764 ■ Ariel Center for Policy Research

 

SYNOPSIS

 

 

Post-Zionism and Democracy

Raya Epstein

Post-Zionism is not merely an ideology, it is also the reality within which the State of Israel functions. The fact that the citizens of the country – which was established in order to serve as a refuge for the persecuted Jewish people – the fact that these citizens are being murdered and wounded on a daily basis is intimately, directly and categorically tied to the formation of the post-Zionist reality in Israel.

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The Israeli Left, in the wake of the Six Day War, did not exchange one form of liberal democracy for another, but rather carried out a silent revolution, a reversal, which was neither brought to the attention of the public nor recognized as such by the people. It exchanged the outdated Labor Party approach, a combination of socialism and Zionism of the Jewish secular variety (yes, it was still a Jewish identity – even though it possessed a secular nature and rather crude atheistic manifestations) for a secular atheistic religion, the democratic faith, which was designed to constitute a total, absolute alternative to any conceivable sort of Jewish identity.

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The early adherents of socialist Zionism find themselves incapable of reconciling Zionism with anti-totalitarian principles. They sought to restore the State of Israel to the course of the socialist-collectivist Zionist past, which existed no more, instead of attempting to develop the new, progressive approach of Zionism on the basis of classic liberalism. In other words, in accordance with the conservative Anglo-Saxon model of liberalism, as opposed to its French model, which is laden with clear totalitarian tendencies (see Yaakov Talmon’s writings on the matter). This classic liberal model, of course, does not at all contradict Judaism, but on the contrary, its roots are anchored to a large degree in the Jewish biblical foundation of the Calvinist, Christian reformation. In contrast, both the socialist component of Labor Zionism and its post-Zionist enemy – are both anchored in the French totalitarian model, which is hostile to Judaism.

The serious problem, which makes our attempt to develop an authentic liberal version of Zionism more difficult, is the fact that the classic liberal model has failed today even in the West itself. The “New Middle East”, which was, and continues to be, formed by the State of Israel (both Zionist and post-Zionist) with the blood of its Jewish citizens, has made a considerable contribution to the renewed victory of totalitarian democracy, which in the wake of the collapse of the Communist bloc has assumed the form of what is in fact a phony liberalism.

Then, the members of Mapam sought positions of influence in the army. The political hacks among them opposed the paratroopers under the command of Ariel Sharon, because of the retaliatory actions, which they opposed. Apparently, the Palmah alumni identified the General Staff Reconnaissance Force as an army unit in which they could gain influence. According to the testimonies of Dovik Tamari and Ehud Barak, the thought of continuity of the Palmah spirit was the motivating factor behind the unit’s founder, Avraham Ornan. These instances of politicization led, in times of crisis, to the creation of organizations like “Yesh Gvul”, (the name is a play on the Hebrew words meaning “There is a Border”, i.e. “There is a Limit”) the Peace Now officers’ letter and many other phenomena of ideological delinquency, which endanger Israeli democracy.

 

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