Ariel Center for
Policy Research

A JOURNAL OF POLITICS AND THE ARTS

 

NATIV   ■   Volume Eleven   ■   Number 6 (65) ■  November 1998   ■  Ariel Center for Policy Research

 

SYNOPSIS

 


Missile and Nuclear Proliferation in South Asia

and its Implications

Ashok Kapur

China’s missile and nuclear supply to Pakistan, and India’s belated but clear nuclear response, highlights and illustrates the problem of missile proliferation and missile defense in two connected regions of conflict viz. South Asia and the Middle East.   China’s military supply behavior in Pakistan (and Iran), and Clinton administration support of PRC activity in the 1990s, brought out of the closet a new problem in international relations, i.e. the non-proliferators  (USA and PRC in South-Asia, and Russia and China in Iran) are also dangerous promoters of proliferation in regions of conflict in a selective way; they insist on the importance of non-proliferation with their adversaries, and they support or tolerate proliferation with their strategic partners.  Selective proliferation by members of international non-proliferation regimes vis-à-vis their friends, or where economic gain is indicated, also highlights the fact that the supply chain cuts across traditional regional boundaries; the suppliers’ controls are weak and the boundaries – geographical as well as the rules of the non-proliferation regimes – are porous.  Chinese and North Korean missile supply relations with non-nuclear weapon states reveal a supply/recipient interface between East Asian states and South Asian/Middle Eastern states (Pakistan, Iran, among others).  Russian nuclear supplies – whether or not there are officially approved – create a Russia/Middle East interface.  To the extent that recent Indian and Pakistani nuclear testing is likely to further stimulate proliferation tendencies in Iran because of its internal and strategic compulsions, a South Asian/Middle East interface is also indicated.  Can countries in the volatile South Asian and Middle East region rely on international regimes for their security?  Or do the Indian tests signal that countries outside the NATO alliance, or who do not trust a foreign power to protect them, must engage in self-help and autonomy of strategic choice by independent military means or in concert with friendly strategic partners?  The recent developments in South Asia highlight the problem of missile and nuclear proliferation and the importance of BMD among other measures.

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