Israel’s
Tenured Radicals
P. David
Hornik
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“‘Fortress Israel,’ as we call it, is by necessity based on a culture of
strength, violence and crudity. In the final analysis, it will be the
bulldozer that razes the structure that once was Israel.”1 |
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“As the government of the Jewish state forces the Palestinians in
ghettos, history must be turning in its grave”2 |
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“Israel wants to do more than keep the suicide bombers out... It wants
to erase the Palestinian nation once and for all.”3 |
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“This unarmed uprising was turned into an armed revolt by harsh Israeli
retaliation to demonstrations and street protests.”4 |
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“There is an entire sector in the Jewish public which I unhesitatingly
define as a copy of the German Nazis.”5 |
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“STOP ISRAEL! The Israeli army has been terrorizing cities and villages
in the West Bank... there is one simple thing that anybody can do: Boycott
Israel!... Israel is not the US. It is a small country with hardly any
economy, and with a self-image completely detached from reality. It can be
stopped.”6 |
Statements by
European leftists in hate marches against Israel? By Berkeley activists for
“solidarity” with Palestinian terror? By radical Islamic preachers in mosques in
Paris, London, or Dearborn, Michigan? No; every one of those statements was made
by an Israeli academic employed by an Israeli university. People entrusted with
teaching history, political science, sociology, and the like to young Israelis.
People whose writings, declarations, and activities against the state
of Israel are underwritten by the Israeli taxpayer and by those who make
donations to these institutions out of a desire to help the Jewish state
And, of course, are
used by anti-Semites all over the globe as prime ammunition against Jews and
Israel.
Most Israeli
academics are not radicals, spanning a wide political spectrum within the bounds
of loyalty to the state. Having worked in and for Israeli academia for close to
two decades, I can attest to that from personal experience. Many among the
left-wing academics are patriots who would never leave Israel, serve in the
armed forces and encourage their children to do so as well, and strongly oppose
refusal to serve in the territories even if they favor ultimately relinquishing
all or most of them. I may disagree with their views on territory, Arab
attitudes, and Jewish national and historical rights, but they object no less to
mine. Such is the “price” of living in a democracy with a
difficult security situation. Although I believe Israelis of the Zionist Left
should react appropriately to the dire statements and activities of the radical
Left rather than reflexively defending them, their own views clearly fall within
the legitimate bounds of academic freedom and are not the subject of this
article.
But anti-Israeli,
anti-Zionist, and sometimes anti-Semitic radicalism on the radical Left of
Israeli academe is a different matter, and is now the focus of a new website.
Modeled after Campus Watch, Daniel Pipes’s site for monitoring Middle East
studies on North American campuses,
Israel Academic Monitor
(www.israel-academia-monitor.com)
was created by a group of academics,
journalists, donors, students, and others with the
aim of monitoring genuine abuses of academic freedom in Israel’s universities.
These abuses include not only writings and statements that deny Israel’s
legitimacy, advocate its destruction, or compare it with the Nazi and other
worst regimes in history, but also calls for widespread insurrection and mutiny
by Israeli soldiers and support for international efforts at boycotting Israel
and ostracizing the teachers and students of these universities themselves.
This far-Left flank
is not negligible and by no means constitutes a tiny fringe. Its members
constitute an active, salient presence both in Israeli universities themselves
and in anti-Israeli activities throughout the world:
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American
supporters of Israel have fought hard to stop efforts on American campuses to
boycott or divest from Israel. Yet a group of Israeli professors openly
supports an academic boycott of Israel. “We,
the undersigned are defenders of Palestinian academic freedom and supporters of
the academic boycott against Israel,” states a recent petition. It goes on to
say: “...the Israeli government has set up a system
of roadblocks and checkpoints that makes it difficult or impossible for
Palestinian teachers and students to reach their universities, colleges and
schools. Its policy of harassment, arrests, random shootings and assaults is
carried out almost weekly by Israeli troops on Palestinian campuses. All of this
takes place against the backdrop of an ongoing 37 year occupation and relentless
attack on Palestinian civil society...”7
This brazenly distorted statement, which entirely excludes a security situation
of constant terrorist attacks on Israelis despite generous peace offers, as well
as the fact that Palestinian campuses are focal points of jihadi incitement and
terror, was signed by hundreds of scholars and activists all over the world.
They included, however, a set of Israeli academics who continue to work and earn
compensation at some of the very Israeli universities and colleges that are
targeted, including: Riva Bachrach (Beit Berl College of Education), Diana Dolev
(Wizo College for Design), Rachel Giora (Tel Aviv University), George Habib (Technion,
Haifa), Eva Jablonka (Tel Aviv University), Vered Kraus (University of Haifa),
Dan Rabinowitz (Tel Aviv University), Tanya Reinhart (Tel Aviv University), and
Yuval Yonay (University of Haifa).
There is, of course, no push for boycotting or divesting
from countries like Iran, Sudan, or North Korea; of all the countries in the
world, only democratic Israel has the “honor” – and the professors who try to
gain that honor for it.
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A 2002
statement declared: “We, members of Israeli academe, are horrified by the US
buildup of aggression toward Iraq and by the Israeli political leadership’s
enthusiastic support for it... We are deeply worried by indications that the
‘fog of war’ could be exploited by the Israeli government to commit further
crimes against the Palestinian people, up to FULL-FLEDGED ETHNIC CLEANSING...
Escalating racist demagoguery concerning the Palestinian citizens of Israel may
indicate the scope of the crimes that are possibly being contemplated...”8 It
was signed by 60 Israeli academics. Needless to say, Israel did not take the
actions they fantasized!
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Of particular concern
is the strong radical presence at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev. Israel’s
first prime minister was a fervent patriot and nationalist who would be appalled
at some of the things now being taught and written at the institution that bears
his name. Israeli or Jewish parents sending their children to such a university
have reason to fear whether their sons or daughters will emerge with the sort of
values they would want them to espouse.
Thus, Neve Gordon of the Department of Politics and
Government, whose columns have appeared in the Baltimore Sun, has
characterized Israel not only as terrorist but also as fascist and Nazi, writing
that: “Scrutiny of Israel’s actions in Lebanon indicates that it has often used
methods of terror... Israel, one should note, has practiced terrorism in the
West Bank and the Gaza Strip as well”;9 “Israel’s gravest danger today is not
the PA or even Hamas and the Islamic Jihad, but the one it faces from within:
fascism”;10 “As the government of the Jewish
state forces the Palestinians in ghettos, history must be turning in its grave.”11 After the Passover massacre of 2002 in Netanya, Gordon was among a
group of left-wing activists that illegally infiltrated army lines and entered
Arafat’s Ramallah headquarters, where Gordon clasped hands with Yasser Arafat in
a victory salute. Not surprisingly, Gordon’s articles have been posted on
anti-Semitic and neo-Nazi websites.
For Lev Grinberg, director of the university’s Humphrey
Institute for Social Research, Israel is both terrorist and genocidal: “There is
a difference between Israeli and Palestinian acts of aggression – the difference
is that Israeli aggression is the direct responsibility of Ariel Sharon,
Benjamin Ben Eliezer, Shimon Peres, and Shaul Mofaz, while individual terrorist
acts are done by individuals in despair, usually against Arafat’s will”;12
“Suicide bombings killing innocent civilians must be condemned unequivocally;
they are immoral acts, and their perpetrators should be sent to jail. But they
cannot be compared to state terrorism carried out by the Israeli
government”;13 “Who will arrest Sharon, the person directly responsible for
the orders to kill Palestinians? When is he going to be defined as a terrorist
too?”;14 “The murder of Sheik Ahmad Yassin by
the government of Israel is part of a major move carried out by the government
of Israel, which can be described as symbolic genocide.”15
Oren Yiftachel of this university’s Department of
Geography and Environmental Development uses smooth academic verbiage to
characterize Israel as an immoral, “illusory”, “colonial” entity whose days,
thankfully, are numbered: “The failed Oslo process, the violent intifada and
most acutely Israel’s renewed aggression and brutality toward the Palestinians
in the Occupied Territories, have cast a dark shadow over the joint future of
the state’s Palestinian and Jewish citizens... The actual existence of an
Israeli state (and hence citizenship) can be viewed as an illusion. Israel has
ruptured, by its own actions, the geography of statehood, and maintained a
caste-like system of ethnic-religious-class stratification... Israel has created
a colonial setting, held through violent control... Occupation and settlement,
which necessitate ever intensifying oppression of Palestinians with or without
Israeli citizenship, have clear potential to make Israel gradually cave from
within”16 – a prospect that Yiftachel does not find unappealing: “The
establishment of a binational (as distinct from a ‘secular’) democratic state
[i.e., in which Israel ceases to exist as Jewish state]...appears more
attractive than ever.”17
Other Ben-Gurion U. academics portray Israel – which has
made massive land concessions and offered further ones in a quest for peace,
while creating the Palestinian Authority and helping it becoming the most
generously assisted entity on earth – as a brutal oppressor and call for its
dissolution as a Jewish state. Thus, Amnon Raz-Krakotzkin (teacher of Jewish
history) writes: “I try to show the way the Zionist historical
consciousness is based on suppression and the erasure of history: the history of
the land, and particularly the Naqba, the transfer of hundreds of thousands of
Palestinians in 1948 [a claim acknowledged to be false even by “new historian”
Benny Morris]18 ...there really are Arabs who accuse me of supporting binationalism in order to preserve the Jewish people.”19 Jeff Halper
(Department of Anthropology) asserts: “[Israel is using] state terrorism on a
scale we have not seen before.20 ...A just and lasting peace will not emerge
from within Israel; only international pressure can save the Palestinians from
being crushed by the iron wall.21... [Israel uses] the most up-to-date
American weapon systems, snipers, closures until starvation, clearing thousands
of acres of agricultural land, destruction of hundreds of houses.”22 In fact
the real Israel, as opposed to the monstrous fantasy-image of the Jewish state
conjured by such authors, has often sacrificed its own soldiers in efforts to
avoid harming Palestinian civilians.
And Sam Bahour (Palestinian-American businessman) and
Michael Dahan (Political Science, Ben-Gurion U.) also invoke the genocide theme:
“Nevertheless, deliberate and systematic destruction, as the definition of
genocide illustrates, does not necessarily mean physical killing of people,
albeit Israel is having no problem, and is facing no international outcry, in
doing just that.”23
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For decades the
Hebrew University of Jerusalem has employed a prominent professor of German
history, Moshe Zimmerman, who has a hard time avoiding the word Nazi when
speaking about Israelis. In 2000, when Zimmerman called then-Knesset Member Rehavam Ze`evi (later murdered by Palestinian terrorists) a “Nazi copy”, Ze`evi
sued him for slander and won. Other objects of Zimmerman’s verbal abuse have
obtained no redress – as when he referred to the children of the Israeli
community of Kiryat Arba, outside Hebron, as “Hitler Youth”, or compared the
Torah with Mein Kampf as a blueprint for annihilating other peoples.
Zimmerman is alleged to have said last March in his
capacity as teacher: “There is a group of students which cannot come today due
to the excuse that its members are guarding at checkpoints, and the like. Such
an excuse is not acceptable to me. Were they to be missing because they were
serving in jail due to a refusal to serve in the territories, that would be
satisfactory to me.” Soon after, a petition was circulated among Israeli faculty
members “wish[ing] to express our appreciation and support for those of our
students and lecturers who refuse to serve as soldiers in the occupied
territories”; it has so far been signed by 287 faculty members. Such “service in
the occupied territories,” of course, is the only thing that stops Palestinian
suicide bombings and over the past year has drastically reduced their number.
When Education Minister Limor Livnat asked then-Attorney
General Elyakim Rubinstein for his opinion on
whether she should “act against lecturers from the Hebrew University of
Jerusalem, since their activities encourage infraction of the law, and perhaps
also sedition,” Rubinstein wrote in reply that Zimmerman's statement and the
petition “are an irresponsible outrage. However, demands involving criminal
prosecution in a sphere outside of the IDF, in the public realm, have to be
forwarded with extreme caution.” He added that the State Prosecutor's Office had
“discussed the possibility of initiating criminal steps with respect to calls
for refusal to serve; but in the end it was decided not to proceed with [these
steps], not at this time.” Rubinstein told Livnat, however, that complaints
about such statements by lecturers would continue to be reviewed case-by-case.24
In 1995, Zimmerman, hardly a mere fringe figure, was
appointed by the Education Ministry to a committee tasked with revamping the
history textbooks for Israeli middle schoolers. The committee recommended
teaching a “universal history” in which the Jewish people would play a modest
role, at best equal to the civilizations of Greece, Rome, or America. Zimmerman
explained: “Learning about the [Jewish] people and the State [of Israel] appears
in the program, but certainly not as a subject of primary importance.”25 (It
is worth noting here that young Israelis are drafted at age 18 to serve in the IDF and, in many cases, risk their lives defending the Israeli-Jewish people.)
Eventually, textbooks that were based on the recommendations of this committee
and another one were accused of distorting history, defaming the
Israeli population, and many errors and omissions. The
Knesset Education Committee appointed a team of experts to examine the most
controversial of the books, and the committee recommended a long list of
corrections.
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It was also back in 1995 that a group of Hebrew University
professors published a huge advertisement in Ha`aretz, and sent a letter
to the president of the country and the rector of the Hebrew University,
demanding that Zimmerman be fired for likening Israelis to Nazis. Today, quite
contrary to their wishes, Moshe Zimmerman is head of the Hebrew University’s Koebner Center for German History.
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Last July, a group of
Israeli academics and activists composed and circulated a document called the
Olga Appeal, which declares:
...The State of Israel was supposed to be a
democracy; it has set up a colonial structure, combining unmistakable elements
of apartheid with the arbitrariness of brutal military occupation... An
incessant succession of “retaliations”, military operations and wars has
become the life-support drug of Israel’s Jews. And now, almost four years
after the beginning of the second Palestinian Intifada, Israel is up to its
neck in the mire of occupation and oppression... Ten years after the Oslo
Accords, we are living in a benighted colonial reality – in the heart of
darkness ...meanwhile Israel is amplifying the devastation of the West Bank
and the Gaza Strip, as if determined to pulverize the Palestinian people to
dust... We are united in a critique of Zionism, based as it is on refusal to
acknowledge the indigenous people of this country and on denial of their
rights, on dispossession of their lands... Adding insult to injury, Israel
persists in its refusal to bear any responsibility for its deeds, from the
expulsion of the majority of Palestinians from their homeland more than half a
century ago [again the same canard noted above], to the present erection of
ghetto walls around the remaining Palestinians in the towns and villages of
the West Bank. We are united in the belief that peace and reconciliation are
contingent on Israel’s recognition of its responsibility for the injustices
done to the indigenous people, the Palestinians, and on willingness to redress
them. Recognition of the right of return follows from our principles... For
many years now, Israeli leaders have been exerting themselves to depict the
Palestinians as sub-human; and their exertions have been seconded and assisted
by members of the cultural elite, media barons, vain functionaries and
light-scribblers, right and left. We reject this racist arrogance with
disgust... We are convinced that if we approach peace and reconciliation with
the Palestinians with an open mind and a willing spirit, we shall find in them
what we bring with us: an open mind and a willing spirit. For we are brothers
and sisters, not eternal enemies as the well-poisoners profess...26
Particularly after having lived in Israel for 20
years, knowing its people’s existential yearning for peace, the suffering that
they undergo from fear, injury, and bereavement caused by terrorism and war, and
the country’s strong adherence to democratic values and total rejection of
racism and dehumanization despite constant attack, the words of this document
amaze and astonish. Like Israel’s most cynical enemies in the Arab, Muslim,
European worlds, at no point does it mention Israel’s sacrifices for peace nor
the offer to the Palestinians, by then-Prime Minister Ehud Barak at Camp David
in 2000, of a state in virtually all the post-1967 territories including East
Jerusalem and the Temple Mount.
Along with
prominent American Jewish academics Joel Beinin (Stanford University) and Daniel
Boyarin (University of California at Berkeley), among the better known of the
dozens of Israeli academic signatories are Daphna Golan (Hebrew University),
Neve Gordon (Ben-Gurion University), Baruch Kimmerling (Hebrew University), Adi
Ophir (Tel Aviv University), Dan Rabinowitz (Tel Aviv University), and Oren
Yiftachel (Ben-Gurion University).
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Last October 28
a mosque was inaugurated on the Tel Aviv University
campus to serve the religious needs of about one thousand Muslim students.
Seemingly, this is an unobjectionable exercise of religious freedom. Yet the
event aroused consternation in Israeli society, and university employees
appealed to then-Minister of Public Security Uzi Landau to prevent it. In Israel
as elsewhere, mosques are all too often a
magnet for radical Arabs and seditious political activities. Speeches that
virulently incite against Israel are common in mosques all over Israel, and
universities in the Palestinian Authority constantly stir up anti-Israeli
sentiment and encourage terrorism among their students. Israelis regularly pay
the price of such activities in blood. An official in the Students Association
of Tel Aviv University warned: “In the past we came across Arabic posters noting
the Naqba day [which mourns the establishment of Israel as a “catastrophe”] that
spoke about destroying and conquering the Zionist enemy. The distance between
these and incitement is very thin.”
The university approved the mosque despite these fears.
Yet, when several years ago religious Jewish students at the university tried to
open a synagogue where lectures and prayers could take place, the university
administration encountered ferocious opposition by leftist faculty members and,
in response, adamantly refused to allow it.
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Last December
5, an international conference called “Resisting Israeli Apartheid” was held at
the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) of the University of London.
Gavin Gross, chairman of the SOAS Jewish Society, told the Jerusalem Post
that the conference, which was organized by the university’s Palestine Society,
was nothing but a “one-sided rant against Israel.” The word genocide was
used often to describe Israeli actions against Palestinians. Lisa Taraki, a
professor of sociology at Birzeit University, argued in her speech for an
academic boycott of Israel, stressing the role played by most Israeli academics
and institutions in supporting the “racist and oppressive nature” of the Israeli
state. British poet and academic Tom Paulin, who has openly called for the
murder of Israelis living in the West Bank and Gaza, was the keynote speaker and
encouraged a boycott of Israeli goods based on the South African model of the
apartheid days. Betty Hunter, representative of the Palestinian Solidarity
Campaign UK, said: “our aim is to make Israel a pariah state.”
Yet none of this prevented a considerable participation by
Israeli academics. Ilan Pappe, a prominent member of the History Department at
the University of Haifa, strongly backed the boycott calls in his speech and
called for a concerted, international effort guided by the Palestinian
leadership. Ur Shlonsky, an Israeli linguistics professor now teaching at the
University of Geneva, spoke on “Resisting Apartheid and the Charge of
Anti-Semitism.” Haim Bresheeth, currently film studies scholar at the University
of East London and until 2002 dean of the School of Media, Film and Cultural
Studies at Sapir College in Israel, stated in his talk: “there is no valid
comparison between South Africa and Israel; Israel is much worse.” Omar
Barghouti, a doctoral student at Tel Aviv University, informed the audience that
“the Hebrew University in Jerusalem is sitting on ethnically cleansed Arab land”
and that “IDF actions are similar to, though certainly not on the same scale as,
the Nazis.” He did not stop to ponder whether – to extend the grossly false
comparison – Jewish students studied freely in German universities during the
Holocaust and traveled abroad to freely criticize the German government.
This review of recent outrages by Israeli academics – and
it is, emphatically, only a small sample – does not ignore the fact that
anti-Zionist radicalism is not a new phenomenon in the Israeli academy. Indeed,
in his much-discussed book The Jewish State: The Struggle for Israel’s Soul,
Yoram Hazony argues that it was a group of mostly German Jewish, anti-Zionist
professors at the Hebrew University, with roots in 19th-century
Jewish anti-Zionism and led by the philosopher-academic Martin Buber, who
gravely damaged Israeli nationalism and did much to produce the “post-Zionist”
trend and self-accusatory attitudes that became widespread among Israeli
academics, artists, writers, journalists, and politicians. In two powerful
chapters, “The Incubator: The Hebrew University, 1948-1961” and “The Triumph of
the Intellectuals,” Hazony marshals impressive evidence about the encounters in
those years between young Israeli students from patriotic Labor Zionist homes
and antinationalist Hebrew University professors, encounters from which the
students, many of whom later became major cultural and political figures, often
emerged with grave ambivalence, or worse, about Israel’s basic legitimacy as a
Jewish state.27
Such phenomena are not, of course, unique to Israel.
Universities throughout the Western world, particularly their departments in the
humanities and social sciences, are staffed by academics who consider themselves
part of a transnational elite and characterize their own societies, or Western
civilization in general, as nefarious engines of plunder, discrimination, and
oppression. In Western Europe, arguably, such attitudes have prevailed, and the
results include pacifism, virulently anti-American and anti-Israeli sentiments,
and growing sympathy or submission to Arab and Islamic civilization. In America,
where holders of postgraduate degrees are known to be typified by far-Left
views, the politically-correct, self-accusatory ethos has deeply penetrated the
mainstream of the Democratic Party and distanced the party so much from the
values and mindset of the general population as to make it increasingly
incapable of winning national elections.
The propagation of such attitudes in Israel, however, is
especially worrisome. While remaining a lone democracy in a sea of Arab
societies whose rejection and hatred of the Jewish state in their midst shows no
signs of abating, Israel is also a target of growing anti-Semitic agitation in
the broader Muslim and European worlds. Israel’s immediate neighbors, the Arab
countries, are saturated with anti-Semitic incitement transmitted in media,
mosques, and education, and the Palestinian terror war against Israel has been
generously assisted, financially and operationally, by such Arab states as
Egypt, Syria, Saudi Arabia, and pre-Saddam Iraq, as well as Iran. In such a
situation, for Israel’s university teachers to instill attitudes of self-doubt,
self-blame, and self-contempt is mortally dangerous; Israel is not a country
that can afford the “luxury” of having its young minds poisoned.
The ideas taught by the radicals – that Israel is a
criminal “colonial” entity responsible for the Arab violence against it, that
the Arabs are the victims, and that Israel can end the violence by satisfying
Arab demands – have already penetrated Israel’s more mainstream Left as
currently represented by the Labor and Yahad parties. Such ideas formed the
background of the Oslo agreement that Israel signed in 1993 with Yasser Arafat
and the PLO in the belief that it was launching a “process” of ultimate
reconciliation and peace. The notion that Israel’s “occupation” of strategically
crucial territory that it had won in a defensive war in 1967 was the true,
remaining bone of contention between Israel and the Arabs, and that Arafat and
the PLO, who for decades had engaged in murderous terrorism, had become
moderates reasonably seeking a state to exist peacefully alongside the Jewish
state, bore the unmistakable stamp of the self-accusatory mentality represented,
albeit in more extreme form, by the academics mentioned in this article. For
such attitudes to be fervently adopted by traditional, once nationalistic and
hawkish Labor Zionist figures like Shimon Peres and even Yitzhak Rabin, while
becoming not only widespread among the “elite” but also staples of the
left-of-center political parties (and even penetrating, some would argue, the
right-of-center ones), marked a watershed in Israeli history for which the price
has been the horrendous Oslo catastrophe of blood, economic devastation, and
plummeting immigration.
The role of North American universities in propagating
destructive attitudes has led to the rise of websites like Campus Watch and
others that monitor abuses in these institutions and expose the activities of
academics who constantly characterize America as an evil force and “teach” this
outlook to their students. The same sort of abuses, but with even more alarming
consequences, occur at Israel’s universities, and the
IAM site is a
new initiative aimed at ensuring that this situation receives the attention that
it warrants. Israel’s academic institutions are, indeed, a crucial resource for
the state, but if they become nests for people who identify with Israel’s
enemies and promote their causes, they risk harming the Jewish state more than
they benefit it and, ultimately, contributing to its destruction. These
universities are highly dependent on overseas donors and contributors. The
IAM site seeks
to reveal to these people some of the appalling things being done with their
money, hoping they will condition their future contributions more carefully.
IAM, for its
part, will continue to expose, monitor, and counter Israel’s tenured insurgents.
The fight against radicals who calumniate and condemn the democratic societies
that grant them freedom and comfort, show sympathy for the deadly foes of these
societies, and strive to train generations who will think and act as they do, is
a fight of nothing less than existential proportions.
Endnotes
1 |
Jeff Halper “The Message of the Bulldozer,”
Counterpunch, August 13/19, 2002. |
2 |
Neve Gordon, “Silence in the Face of Israeli
Apartheid”,
Alternatives, November 7, 2003. |
3 |
Ilan Pappe, Al-Ahram, July 11-17, 2002. |
4 |
Ibid. |
5 |
Moshe Zimmerman, interview in Yerushalayim,
April 28, 1995. |
6 |
Tanya Reinhart, “Stop Israel,” Indymedia,
Israel, October 25, 2001. |
7 |
www.academicboycott.org. |
8 |
www.rense.com, 2002. |
9 |
Neve
Gordon, “Defining Terrorism, and Assigning the Label,”
National Catholic Reporter,
April 4, 1997. |
10 |
Neve Gordon, “The Fascisization of Israel,”
Information Brief No. 86, the Palestine Center, February 4, 2002. |
11 |
Neve Gordon, “Silence in the Face of Israeli
Apartheid”. |
12 |
Lev Grinberg, “State Terrorism in Israel,” Tikkun,
May/June 2002. |
13 |
Lev Grinberg, “Israel Strikes Again,”
Al-Ahram Weekly Online,
April 4-10, 2002. |
14 |
Lev Grinberg, “Israel’s State Terrorism,”
http://www.democracymeansyou.com/
mideast/state-terrorism.htm. |
15 |
Lev Grinberg, “Symbolic Genocide,” La Libre
Belgique, March 29, 2004 (French). |
16 |
Oren Yiftachel, “The Shrinking Space of Citizenship:
Ethnocratic Politics in Israel,” Middle East Report 223, Summer
2002. |
17 |
Oren Yiftachel, “Between Apartheid and Peace,”
Tikkun, January/February 2001. |
18 |
Interview with Amnon Raz-Krakotzkin, Qantara.de,
Dialogue with the Islamic World, Institute for Advanced Studies, Berlin. |
19 |
Amnon Raz-Krakotzkin, interviewed in Lily Galili, “A
Jewish Demographic State,” Haaretz, June 28, 2002. |
20 |
Jeff Halper, “Despair: Israel's Ultimate Weapon,”
Center for Policy Analysis on Palestine, March 28,
2001. |
21 |
Jeff Halper, “Sharon's National Unity Government:
Shoring Up the ‘Iron Wall,” Middle East Report, March 13, 2001. |
22 |
Jeff Halper, “How to Start an Uprising,”
ICAHD, November 15, 2000. |
23 |
Sam Bahour and Michael Dahan, “Genocide by Public
Policy,” Arabic Media Internet Network, May 19, 2004. |
24 |
Dalia Shehori, "Clipping the Fringes of Academic
Freedom,” Haaretz, August 5, 2002. |
25 |
Quoted in Yoram Hazony, The Jewish State: The
Struggle for Israel’s Soul (New York: Basic Books, 2000), p. 46. |
26 |
See:
http://www4.alternativenews.org/display.php?id=4011. |
27 |
Hazony, Jewish State.
|
P. David Hornik is a freelance writer and
translator living in Jerusalem who has been contributing recently to
The Jerusalem Post, FrontPageMagazine.com, the American Spectator Online, and Israeli news-views
websites.
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